Archive for the ‘FROM SUE …’ Category

LOS PERONISTAS DE MI EDAD por SUE LITTLETON

13 abril, 2017

: ” Los peronistas de mi edad ”
Gente
SUE LITTLETON
Hoy a las 11:41
. . . de todas las edades, en realidad.

Moi et les quatre chats joyeux =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= et Romeo =*>:) devil=

Sent: Thursday, 13 April 2017, 11:07
Subject: Fwd: Rv: ” Los peronistas de mi edad ”

” Los peronistas de mi edad ”

Para leer y entender, si se puede, un poco más a los peronistas. . .
AQUÍ LES REENVÍO OTRO DE LOS PERONISTAS, JUNTO CON UN ABRAZO.

“ASÍ FUERON. . . SON. . .Y SERÁN. . .”

“LOS PERONISTAS DE MI EDAD:
Los peronistas de mi edad empezaron aplaudiendo la vuelta del General, se mataron para recibirlo y después mataron para echarlo. Instalaron el caos y la violencia pero después condenaron el golpe contra Isabel.
Los peronistas de mi edad vivaron a Herminio cuando le prendió fuego al cajón y al poco tiempo lo denostaron acusándolo de haber perdido las elecciones por su culpa. Los peronistas de mi edad fueron verticalistas y luego renovadores.
Los peronistas de mi edad fueron cafieristas, menemistas, duhaldistas, saaistas, kirchneristas, cristinistas y massistas. Algunos sucesiva y otros simultánea-mente.
Los peronistas de mi edad fueron estatistas contra Alfonsín, privatistas con Menem, nuevamente estatistas con Néstor y ahora andan a la pesca a ver qué onda. Aplaudieron con el mismo entusiasmo la privatización y la estatización de YPF, eso sí, siempre cantando la marcha peronista y haciendo la V con las manos.
Los peronistas de mi edad aclamaron a Rodriguez Saa cuando anunció el no pago de la deuda y se rompieron las manos aplaudiendo a Néstor cuando anunció el pago total de la deuda.
Los peronistas de mi edad aplaudieron de pie el indulto de Menem a los genocidas porque había que pacificar la Argentina, y poco después abrazaban a las Madres de la Plaza porque la memoria bla bla blá.
Los peronistas de mi edad escracharon, repudiaron y condenaron a los genocidas y luego pusieron a uno al frente del ejército y lo defendieron con uñas y dientes.
Los peronistas de mi edad aplaudieron a rabiar a Cavallo y el 1 a 1 y después lo negaron como Judas.
Los peronistas de mi edad fueron libreempresistas en los 90 y luego socialistas del siglo XXI. Según venga la mano tienen sexo diplomático con EEUU o con Irán, China o Rusia, no le hacen asco a nada.
Los peronistas de mi edad se la pasaron burlándose de los zurditos, los imberbes de la plaza, hasta 2015, cuando vieron que podían perder el ballotage y salieron a mendigarle los votos. . . ¡Al Partido Obrero!
Los peronistas de mi edad fueron los que en los 90 inventaron la escuela-shopping, los que importaron una reforma educativa que ya había fracasado en otros países y se burlaban de la carpa blanca. Hoy los peronistas de mi edad se ponen un guardapolvo trucho y van a la Marcha por la Educación y cantan “vamos a volver”.
Los peronistas de mi edad se ufanaban de ir a Miami y pedir “dame dos” y después maldijeron a todos los oligarcas que vacacionaban en el imperio.
Los peronistas de mi edad rechazan a las oligarquías terratenientes y latifundistas, pero defienden a un empleado bancario que en 10 años compró tierras que equivalen a 13 veces la Capital Federal.
Los peronistas de mi edad acusan a la Justicia de politizarse y de corromperse cuando algún fallo no le es favorable, pero crearon una facción partidaria llamada Justicia Legítima que presiona, extorsiona, parcializa y condiciona las sentencias.
Denuncian un supuesto partido judicial pero infectaron el poder judicial con jueces y fiscales afines.
Los peronistas de mi edad reprochan la detención de Milagro Sala y la califican de presa política, pero callan y otorgan cuando el régimen de Venezuela encarcela a Leopoldo Lopez.
Los peronistas de mi edad cuando se enteraron que Bergoglio era Papa lo acusaron de cómplice, colaboracionista y buchón del régimen militar y al poco tiempo hacían cola y se peleaban por ir al Vaticano a sacarse una foto con Él.
Los peronistas de mi edad, condenaron y reprobaron el helicóptero de Isabelita, se regocijaron con el de De La Rua y hoy hacen “souvenirs” con el de Macri.
Los peronistas de mi edad vitoreaban a su abanderada que condenó a un viejo y lo trató de avaro porque le regaló u$s.10.- a su nieto, pero miraban para otro lado cuando el esposo abrazaba las cajas fuertes y sentía “extashhis” o a su hija le embar-gaban una caja de seguridad con 9 palos verdes.
Para no aburrirlos: a los peronistas de mi edad NO les importa la economía, la educación, los derechos humanos y si se descuidan, hasta la Democracia, la República, la Constitución, y las Leyes, les importa muy poco. Porque a los peronistas de mi edad sólo les importa el poder para apropiarse de los dineros públicos!!!.
Porque el poder es la otra cara de la guita,
y la guita, porque es la otra cara del poder.- “

* * ¡¡¡ SE PUEDE REENVIAR !!!

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Trump analyzed

24 enero, 2017

SUE LITTLETON
Para GERMAN PIRAN Hoy a las 6:35

Moi et les quatre chats joyeux =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= et Romeo =*>:) devil=

trump analyzed !!

Home › Psychodynamic Approach › Sigmund Freud › Id, Ego and Superego

Id, Ego and Superego

by Saul McLeod published 2007, updated 2016

Perhaps Freud’s single most enduring and important idea was that the human psyche (personality) has more than one aspect. Freud (1923) saw the psyche structured into three parts (i.e. tripartite), the id, ego and superego, all developing at different stages in our lives.
These are systems, not parts of the brain, or in any way physical.

According to Freud’s model of the psyche, the id is the primitive and instinctual part of the mind that contains sexual and aggressive drives and hidden memories, the super-ego operates as a moral conscience; and the ego is the realistic part that mediates between the desires of the id and the super-ego.

Although each part of the personality comprises unique features, they interact to form a whole, and each part makes a relative contribution to an individual’s behavior.

The id (or it)

The id is the primitive and instinctive component of personality. It consists of all the inherited (i.e. biological) components of personality present at birth, including the sex (life) instinct – Eros (which contains the libido), and the aggressive (death) instinct – Thanatos.

The id is the impulsive (and unconscious) part of our psyche which responds directly and immediately to the instincts.

The personality of the newborn child is all id and only later does it develop an ego and super-ego.

The id remains infantile in it’s function throughout a persons life, and does not change with time or experience, as it is not in touch with the external world. The id is not affected by reality, logic or the everyday world, as it operates within the unconscious part of the mind.

The id operates on the pleasure principle (Freud, 1920) which is the idea that every wishful impulse should be satisfied immediately, regardless of the consequences. When the id achieves its demands we experience pleasure, when it is denied we experience ‘unpleasure’ or tension.

The id engages in primary process thinking, which is primitive, illogical, irrational, and fantasy oriented. This form of process thinking has no comprehension of objective reality, and is selfish and wishful in nature.

The Ego (or I)

The ego is ‘that part of the id which has been modified by the direct influence of the external world.’
(Freud [1923], 1961, p. 25)

The ego develops in order to mediate between the unrealistic id and the external real world. It is the decision making component of personality. Ideally the ego works by reason, whereas the id is chaotic and totally unreasonable.

The ego operates according to the reality principle, working out realistic ways of satisfying the id’s demands, often compromising or postponing satisfaction to avoid negative consequences of society. The ego considers social realities and norms, etiquette and rules in deciding how to behave.

Like the id, the ego seeks pleasure (i.e. tension reduction) and avoids pain, but unlike the id the ego is concerned with devising a realistic strategy to obtain pleasure. The ego has no concept of right or wrong; something is good simply if it achieves its end of satisfying without causing harm to itself or to the id.

Often the ego is weak relative to the headstrong id and the best the ego can do is stay on, pointing the id in the right direction and claiming some credit at the end as if the action were its own.

Freud made the analogy of the id being a horse while the ego is the rider. The ego is ‘like a man on horseback, who has to hold in check the superior strength of the horse.’ (Freud, 1923, p.15)
If the ego fails in its attempt to use the reality principle, and anxiety is experienced, unconscious defence mechanisms are employed, to help ward off unpleasant feelings (i.e. anxiety) or make good things feel better for the individual.

The ego engages in secondary process thinking, which is rational, realistic, and orientated towards problem solving. If a plan of action does not work, then it is thought through again until a solution is found. This is know as reality testing, and enables the person to control their impulses and demonstrate self-control, via mastery of the ego.

An important feature of clinical and social work is to enhance ego functioning and help the client test reality through assisting the client to think through their options.

The Superego (or above I)

The superego incorporates the values and morals of society which are learned from one’s parents and others. It develops around the age of 3 – 5 during the phallic stage of psychosexual development.

The superego’s function is to control the id’s impulses, especially those which society forbids, such as sex and aggression. It also has the function of persuading the ego to turn to moralistic goals rather than simply realistic ones and to strive for perfection.

The superego consists of two systems: The conscience and the ideal self. The conscience can punish the ego through causing feelings of guilt. For example, if the ego gives in to the id’s demands, the superego may make the person feel bad through guilt.

The ideal self (or ego-ideal) is an imaginary picture of how you ought to be, and represents career aspirations, how to treat other people, and how to behave as a member of society.

Behavior which falls short of the ideal self may be punished by the superego through guilt. The super-ego can also reward us through the ideal self when we behave ‘properly’ by making us feel proud.

If a person’s ideal self is too high a standard, then whatever the person does will represent failure. The ideal self and conscience are largely determined in childhood from parental values and how you were brought up.

References

Freud, S. (1920). Beyond the pleasure principle. SE, 18: 1-64.
Freud, S. (1923). The ego and the id. SE, 19: 1-66.

How to cite this article:
McLeod, S. A. (2016). Id, Ego and Superego. Retrieved from http://www.simplypsychology.org/psyche.html

PRINCE (from Sue Littleton, Mujer Maiz)

22 abril, 2016

Prince: his 10 greatest songs from Head to Cream (and Purple Rain in between)
Gente
SUE LITTLETON
Hoy a las 10:07
I don’t know where I was when Prince was flaunting his boy/girl bi-sexual masculine-feminine self in song and diverse instruments. I knew just enough about him to reject anything he performed (without bothering to hear it first, of course). I was rejecting punk rock and Ronald Reagan at the same time, so perhaps that explains my rejection — although it does not excuse it.

I have always thought that Life should be filled with musical experiences, because music is such a tremendous part of the Western psyche. The fact that the Muslim religion rejects or shuns music of all kinds, even a tame bird in a cage singing in the most extreme of Taliban rules, has always seemed strangely inhuman to me.

So here I am at eighty-three, looking back on my devotion to classical and country music, rejection of and then acceptance of Elvis and the Beatles, a mild interest in crossover country and popular — Dolly Parton (“It’s All Wrong But It’s All Right,” Kenny Rogers (“The Gambler”), that lot — including Frank Sinatra. Amy Winehouse and Prince were not on my mental musical agenda, until they blasted themselves into my conscious mind by . . . dying. The Internet sent me their songs (along with “Relaxing Music for Your Cat,” which relaxed the hell out of me but probably did nothing to my cats, since Relax is what cats do best).

I am sorry you died, Amy, what a great song, “Back to Black,” and you, Prince, “Controversy,” a revelation — I am grateful I was able to appreciate your talent before I did the logical and natural thing and preceded you in death — which, considering our ages, could have occurred without my ever hearing one of your songs.

To all of my friends and music lovers out there, those who share my very eclectic tastes and who have rejected, even as I, rock, punk rock, etc., I send the following recordings now on the Net and here at your disposal. Some of you, like me, will think, “How unlucky for them, how lucky for me that I can listen to their songs,” and some will say, “Oh, gross!”

As the mother of a talented musician, grandmother of several fans of hard rock, plain rock and throwing rocks, I have always admired those people who not only can produce music, but can create it — the artists who not only perform, but compose. And yes, this includes that obnoxious little sh*t Justin Bieber. He just got too good too soon — like Prince, he started very early. However, although he seems likely to burn out early, he has Talent — note the capital “T” –.

So please, friends and acquaintances, listen to one or two of Prince’s songs, look up Amy’s “Back to Black” if you, even as I, have initially rejected them. They are a part of our musical heritage, and here speaks a fan of Chopin, early Jazz, Mozart, Verde, Rubinstein, opera and Johnny Cash.

Regards, Sue*;) winking

Moi et les quatre chats joyeux =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= et Romeo =*>:) devil=

—– Forwarded Message —–
Prince: his 10 greatest songs from Head to Cream (and Purple Rain in between)
http://gu.com/p/4th3z?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other

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Daily Skimm: I’m so excited. I’m so scared – from Sue (mujer maíz)

18 abril, 2016

SUE LITTLETON
Para GERMAN PIRAN Hoy a las 9:43
An interesting issue you might like to read —

Moi et les quatre chats joyeux =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= et Romeo =*>:) devil=

—– Forwarded Message —–
From: theSkimm
To: mujermaiz@yahoo.com
Sent: Monday, 18 April 2016, 7:22
Subject: Daily Skimm: I’m so excited. I’m so scared.

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Skimm for April 18th
Skimm’d with champagne on ice. Waiting to tell you something big…
QUOTE OF THE DAY
“If your partner isn’t faithful, at least your mattress is” – The selling point of a new ‘smart mattress’ that lets you know when it’s “in use” and for how long while you’re away. Divorce lawyer not included.
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THINGS GETTING FEISTY

BRAZIL
THE STORY
Yesterday, Brazil’s lower house voted in favor of impeaching the country’s president.
EXPLAIN.
Brazilian prez Dilma Rousseff has had a rough couple of years. She’s been caught up in a massive bribery scandal involving the country’s state-owned oil company. Add to that the fact that Brazil’s economy has been in a bad way for a while. But the country’s been spending billions on the World Cup and this summer’s Olympics instead of infrastructure and social programs. Cue millions of anti-government protesters hitting the streets asking her to leave. She’s said there’s no way she’s resigning.
BUT…?
But Congress begs to differ. Next, the Senate will vote on whether to hold an impeachment trial. If that happens (and it’s expected to), Rousseff will have to take a forced vacation while the process plays out.
theSKIMM
This telenovela is nowhere close to over – and the uncertainty will do nothing to help Brazil’s already tanking economy. Which, by the way, is one of the biggest in the world. So what happens in Brazil definitely won’t stay there.
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SAUDI ARABIA
THE STORY
Yesterday, Saudi Arabia said ‘hard pass’ to a deal aimed at boosting global oil prices.
WAIT…BACK UP.
For years, oil prices have been dropping like they’re scalding hot thanks to an oversupply in the market and not so much demand (think: things like US fracking and a sad global economy). Great news for your wallet. Bad news for countries that depend on higher oil prices to stay afloat (cough, Venezuela, cough). So OPEC ( group of oil-producing countries ) has been coming up with a plan to cut supply in order to prop up prices. This weekend was supposed to make it official.
BUT…?
But Saudi Arabia – one of the world’s top oil producers and the Regina George of OPEC – said ‘actually…nah’ to the supply cuts. That’s because arch-rival Iran isn’t involved. Reminder: Iran recently signed off on a nuclear deal with the US & friends, which means it can now hop back into the oil market after years of sanctions. Saudi Arabia doesn’t want to cut back on its own oil production and risk losing market share to its nemesis. Geopolitics are hard.
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Oil prices have been up recently on news that this deal was on the way. Nevermind. And since there’s nothing the global economy loves more than a fake-out, expect for a rocky road ahead in the markets.
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REPEAT AFTER ME…

WHAT PEOPLE ARE TALKING ABOUT…
Ecuador. Over the weekend, an earthquake there killed at least 272 people and injured more than 2,000. The 7.8 magnitude quake is the worst Ecuador has seen in decades. It hit a coastal city the hardest, but the aftershocks destroyed homes and knocked out power for much of the country. Thousands of soldiers and police officers are involved in the search and rescue mission, and the death toll is expected to rise.
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WHAT TO SAY WHEN YOU RUN INTO YOUR OLD CO-WORKER AT A PARTY…
Fancy seeing you here. Yesterday, a plane landing at London’s Heathrow airport ran into something midair. And the pilot’s pretty sure it was a small, commercial drone. The plane landed safely and no one was hurt. If it really was a drone, this would be the first time something like this has happened. And it comes at a time when commercial drones are becoming more popular, and aviation officials are popping more Advil thinking about the lack of rules for operating and owning drones. Meanwhile, on the other side of the pond, the FAA is expected to roll out stricter regulations for commercial drone use. Giving US gadget enthusiasts just a little more time to drone on, and on…and on.
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WHAT TO SAY WHEN YOU INVITE PEOPLE YOU JUST MET OVER FOR DINNER…
Welcome to my house. That’s what Pope Francis said to 12 Syrian refugees over the weekend. He was visiting Greece to call attention to the ongoing migrant and refugee crisis . On his way out, he decided to take three Syrian families with him. Francis has made it clear that he thinks the EU needs to do more to help. A lot of people think this was his way of saying ‘watch me practice what I preach.’ And in other man-in-white news, Francis had a meet cute with presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders (VT). Sanders was speaking at a conference at the Vatican and had a totally coincidental, not at all planned run-in with Francis . For Sanders, it was a chance to remind Catholic voters that he admires the Pope and his feelings on things like income inequality and climate change. For Francis, it was apparently nothing more than a handshake. The Vatican is trying to stay far, far away from the US presidential election. Hollywood, not so much. Over the weekend, George Clooney admitted Sanders supporters have a point about money in politics after he hosted fundraisers for his candidate Hillary Clinton. The fundraiser tickets cost more than your apartment. And yes, he knows it’s an “obscene” amount of money.
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WHAT TO SAY TO YOUR FRIENDS WHO THINK THEY HAVE THE CUTEST BABY IN THE WORLD…
Meet Luna. She’s a legend.
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THING TO KNOW

Raindrop Cake: The new cronut. It looks a lot like a giant raindrop and nothing like cake. There’s soy, there’s vegan gelatin, and there will be lots of Instas of your friends eating it.
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OBAMA, MACRI RESET U.S. – ARGENTINA TIES (from Sue Littleton “Mujer Maiz”)

25 marzo, 2016

Fw: Daily Brief: Obama, Macri Reset U.S.-Argentina Ties
Gente
SUE LITTLETON
Para GERMAN PIRAN mar 24 a las 7:23 P.M.

Moi et les quatre chats joyeux =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= et Romeo =*>:) devil=

If you are unable to see the message below, click here to view.
Council on Foreign Relations
March 24, 2016
Daily News Brief
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TOP OF THE AGENDA
Obama, Macri Reset U.S.-Argentina Ties
U.S. President Barack Obama declared the start of a new chapter in U.S.-Argentina relations during his visit to Buenos Aires this week, pledging to “rebuild trust” between the countries after years of tension (NYT). Obama praised Argentine President Mauricio Macri for swiftly enacting economic reforms (Buenos Aires Herald). Obama’s visit coincides with the fortieth anniversary of the military coup that began Argentina’s “Dirty War,” an era of military rule that resulted in the deaths and disappearances of as many as thirty thousand people, according to rights groups. Obama announced he would release long-classified U.S. military and intelligence documents related to that period to shed more light on what the United States knew of the military dictatorship’s crackdowns (Bloomberg).
ANALYSIS
“The biggest effect of Obama’s decision, though, may have less to do with specific revelations than with a broader move toward transparency. On Saturday, after a meeting with Pope Francis—himself the former Archbishop of Buenos Aires—Bishop Carlos Malfa, a high-ranking Argentine cleric, announced that the Vatican will release its own classified records on the dictatorship. Historians have established the Catholic Church’s links to and support of the Argentine military during its reign of terror. For decades, Church authorities have refused to acknowledge the role they played in those years; on several occasions, they have hinted at the need for ‘reconciliation,’ a coded reference to amnesty,” writes Graciela Mochkofsky for the New Yorker.
“As leftist governments in Latin America teeter, Argentina recognizes its opportunity to become the regional leader and its most firmly committed reformer. Indeed, the size of the Foreign Ministry’s North American department has doubled since Macri took power—from three professionals to six—but it is overwhelmed with work. All of the government agencies tasked with North American affairs—from security to statistics—have been in overdrive for the Obama visit. Now it is up to Macri’s government to maintain the momentum,” writes Amy Kaslow for Fortune.
“An acknowledgment of the malign role the United States played in the early years of the dictatorship is welcome, if overdue. But to ignore the red flags on human rights raised by the recent actions of Argentina’s new ruling party is a worrying reminder of that legacy. For Mr. Macri, Mr. Obama’s visit is already an endorsement,” write Gaston Chillier and Ernesto Seman for the New York Times.

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POTUS Trip to Cuba & Argentina.. clips from BsAs Herald Sunday cheers Tex

21 marzo, 2016

Fw: POTUS Trip to Cuba & Argentina.. clips from BsAs Herald Sunday cheers Tex

Gente
SUE LITTLETON
Para GERMAN PIRAN Hoy a las 11:45 A.M.

Moi et les quatre chats joyeux =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= et Romeo =*>:) devil=

=======
Sunday, March 20, 2016
US President’s schedule in Cuba
WASHINGTON — Apart from the US President Barack Obama’s bilateral meeting with Cuban President Raúl Castro, he will meet with members of civil society, businessmen and Cubans from different walks of life, the White House informed in a recent press release.
Below the preliminary schedule of Obama’s visit to Cuba:
TODAY
Obama and the First Lady arrive at José Martí International Airport in Havana, 4:50pm
Meet-and-greet at US Embassy, 5:50pm
Family sight-seeing in Old Havana, including the Catedral de San Cristóbal de la Habana, 6:40pm
MONDAY
Wreath-laying at the José Martí Memorial, morning
Official welcoming ceremony, Palace of the Revolution, morning
Meeting with Cuban President Raúl Castro, morning
Entrepreneurship summit, afternoon
State Dinner at the Palace of the Revolution, evening
TUESDAY
Address to the Cuban people at El Gran Teatro de Habana, morning
Meeting with dissidents and civil society leaders, morning.
Baseball game between the Tampa Bay Rays and Cuban National Team at Estadio Latinoamericano, 2pm.
Departure from José Martí International Airport en route to Buenos Aires, Argentina, afternoon.

===============

Film on the BsAs Hearald during Bob Cox Era during the Junta’s Horrors
http://www.buenosairesherald.com/article/211043/the-herald%E2%80%99s-legacySunday, March 20, 2016
The Herald’s legacy

Messenger on a White Horse, the documentary that presents the Herald’s efforts to report the crimes that were being committed during the 1976-1983 dictatorship, had a 20-minute preview at the Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo’s Casa por la Identidad at the Navy Mechanics School (ESMA) memorial yesterday during the commemoration of the 40th anniversary of the last military coup. Former Herald staffer Jayson McNamara — who wrote and directed the documentary — attended along with Editor-in-Chief Sebastián Lacunza, former staffer during the dictatorship Uki Goñi and Manuel Gonçalves Granada, who recovered his real identity thanks to the efforts of the organization headed by Estela Barnes de Carlotto. Human rights activists praised the role played during the era of state terror by former editor Bob Cox, who reported the cases of abductions and forced disappearances and also welcomed the Mothers at the Herald’s newsroom. “The Herald cannot disappear. It helped us to break the silence,” Vera Jarach of Mothers of Plaza de Mayo — Founding Line said yesterday.
==========

Saturday, March 19, 2016
Mamet: Obama’s visit will lead to closer ties

US president to discuss human rights situation in Venezuela with President Macri
US Ambassador to Argentina Noah Mamet expressed optimism yesterday that US President Barack Obama’s upcoming visit to Buenos Aires from March 22 to March 24 will help usher in an era of stronger bilateral relationships.
Although no specific announcements in the field of trade are expected during the visit, the ambassador said that the US president would likely be making a broad statement on the matter. As such, announcements regarding discussions about a a free trade agreement between Buenos Aires and Washington have been ruled out even if there is an interest in increasing trade between the two nations. Beef exports and investments in renewable energy sources were mentioned as possible areas of greater cooperation.
Addressing the media at the US residence at an event organized by the Consejo Argentino para las Relaciones Internacionales (CARI) ‘s Group for Political Communication, Ambassador Mamet noted that the US Embassy is working hard to finalize the details so that not only the president’s visit goes well but also that the entire First Family enjoys their time.
“In fact, it has been four or five years since Obama took a trip with his family. That shows how important this trip is, because it is the first time in history that a US president travels exclusively to visit Argentina and not another country in the region,” the Ambassador said.
As such Mamet confirmed that First Lady Michelle Obama will have an agenda of her own including a speech to girls and young women about education, with a particular emphasis on science and technology.
Obama is also scheduled to participate in a Town Hall-style event on March 23 at La Usina del Arte in La Boca, where he will take questions from students and young entrepreneurs.
A head-to-head meeting with leaders of the opposition has not been scheduled but there will be an opportunity for President Obama to meet them during a gala dinner to be held at the Centro Cultural Kirchner.
While a visit to Buenos Aires City’s Memorial Park to victims of the dictatorship on March 24 has been confirmed, Mamet ruled out a visit to the AMIA Jewish community centre. The AMIA was the target of a bombing in 1994 that killed 85 people.
Although there were few details, Venezuela is also expected to be on the agenda. President Mauricio Macri has consistently called for the release of opposition leaders such as Leopoldo López who have been incarcerated by the Venezuelan courts on charges of stoking violence, and the relationship between Caracas and Washington has been hostile for years. Former president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner was an ally of both Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his predecessor, Hugo Chávez.
Visa waiver on the agenda
Also yesterday, Foreign Minister Susana Malcorra said that “work had begun” on finding a way for the United States to waive tourist visa requirements for Argentines.
“We have started to work to eventually go back to the situation where we were a while back, and that Argentines not need a visa to visit the United States,” Malcorra said in conversation with Radio Nacional.
Noting that border controls in the United States were heightened after the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center, Malcorra conceded that much work was needed before the visa requirement be lifted. Mamet, for his part, confirmed that talks are in progress.
Herald staff
========
Saturday, March 19, 2016
Groups play down gov’t role
The declassification of military and intelligence files announced by the White House was celebrated by Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo yesterday. The organization headed by Estela Barnes de Carlotto did not mention in its press release the Mauricio Macri administration though officials referred to the announcement as an achievement made by the Pink House. “This is a result of the human rights groups’ efforts,” Taty Almeida of Mothers of Plaza de Mayo — Founding Line said. Hebe de Bonafini, for her part, played down the disclosure and said that the presence of US President Barack Obama in the Memorial Park on March 24 represented an “affront.”

===========

Saturday, March 19, 2016
Human rights documentary Messenger on a White Horse gets preview

Former Herald editor Robert Cox interviewed outside the Pink House for Messenger on a White Horse.
An indie project financed through crowd-funding and the unflinching support of human rights organizations, Messenger on a White Horse, written and directed by former Herald staffer Jayson McNamara, is scheduled to get a 20-minute preview today at 3pm at the premises of the Casa por la Identidad de Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo (former ESMA, Av. del Libertador 8151. Tel: 4702-9920). Herald Editor-in-Chief Sebastián Lacunza has been invited by the Casa de la Identidad de Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo to speak at the event.
The film documents the Buenos Aires Herald’s human rights stance during the dark years of the Proceso military dictatorship through extensive interviews with former editor Robert Cox and human rights leaders.
Proving that it was a phallacy to say that the Buenos Aires Herald, a centenary newspaper by the mid 1970s, was just a British community medium, the first three years (1976-1979) of the brutal military dictatorship saw the English-language news outlet soar to unprecedented heights when it took a fierce stance against human rights violations perpetrated by the military.
While the rest of the media, later referred to as the prensa cana-lla, looked the other way and ignored the brutalities being committed in the name of the fight against terrorism, the Buenos Aires Herald, with Robert Cox at the helm, bravely reported on the thousands of cases of “disappearances,” described verbatim by other media as Armed Forces press releases about “shootouts in which terrorists were killed.” The Herald was the one and only news outlet to receive the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo, an organization that had just started to take shape in order to find answers to questions the military government, Catholic Church dignitaries and society at large consistently refused to confront.
McNamara’s film, still in postproduction, is expected to be ready for release in the film festival circuit by September. The 20-minute reel to be shown today here was already screened in October at the Inter-American Press Association’s annual conference.
“The reel was very well received by the audience a the IAPA conference,” McNamara says. “It was a very special moment for me because it was the first time Bob had seen our work and we got to share it with his entire family, except for one of his sons, Robert Andrew.”
“We would have liked to have finished the film earlier to time it with the 40th anniversary since the 1976 coup. But I am extremely happy to be sharing this trailer at the ex ESMA. I’m very honoured about this wonderful opportunity. It seems fitting that the very first screening of our material should be at the ex ESMA,” he said.
“The last military dictatorship remains a very complex period that hosts a wealth of content for storytelling purposes. Of course, this isn’t enough to stand out. I think Bob Cox’s personal experiences as a foreigner who witnessed the brutality of the era up close is where this story’s potential lies,” McNamara told the Herald last year, when the documentary was being shot.
Herald staff
======================

Sunday, March 20, 2016
Church to declassify dictatorship files

Pope Francis meets with Estela Barnes de Carlotto in 2014 after she found her grandson.
Days before 40th anniversary of coup, CEA official says Vatican willing to help probes
Days after the White House announced that it will be declassifying dictatorship files requested by human rights organizations, the Vatican is set to follow the trend on the eve of the 40th anniversary of the last military coup.
“The archives related to dictatorships will be opened up,” Carlos Malfa confirmed yesterday, the secretary-general of the Argentine Synod (CEA) that is expected to be issuing a message today.
The announcement was celebrated by human rights leaders such as Ángela “Lita” Boitano, who last year met with Pope Francis to ask him to cooperate with the ongoing judicial investigations.
“These files are fundamental, so are the ones that are in the hands of the armed forces,” Boitano said yesterday. The human rights leader who travelled to Rome in April 2015 requested that the Holy See speed up the process after Malfa said that the files were being put in order before being released.
Following requests from the rights groups and the Attorney General’s Office, Jorge Bergoglio had already agreed to cooperate with the investigations in the country, though the process was a bit complex, activists said.
“The Church has already been cooperating,” Estela Barnes de Carlotto, the head of Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo, explained to the Herald last week before the disclosure was announced.
“However, when you ask for a file you have to give detailed information and it has to be requested by judicial authorities,” she also said, noting that she trusted on Francis’ intentions to release the information.
According to Boitano, Bergoglio told her last year that the Church was going to critically assess its role during the era of state terror, when priests were seen in clandestine detention centres and there are reports that they even greenlighted the so-called death flights.
Bergoglio himself has been under fire for having reportedly been involved in the abduction of two priests and filed a written statement in the trial into the systematic plan for child appropriation amid suspicion that he could be aware of baby-snatching cases during the era of state terror.
A blessed announcement
“Putting the files in order takes time,” Malfa explained yesterday, but he made it clear progress were being made in the Holy See.
“In general, these are letters that were received requesting to know the whereabouts of the detained and the disappeared or some similar process. There are also newspapers clippings from that time,” he explained. However, the rights groups want the Church authorities to hand over internal files such as the ones Monsignor Emilio Grasselli had or individual records from priests and nuns who could have been in touch with prisoners.
For instance, during the 2012 trial into baby-snatching cases, a group of nuns appeared as witnesses as they looked after pregnant women who were taken to the Campo de Mayo military hospital to give birth to their babies while they were illegally held in that military garrison or in other clandestine detention centres.
The Attorney General’s Unit for Cases of Child Appropriation has also requested that the Church hand over baptism certificates as investigators believe that those who stole the babies sometimes acted as their godfathers.
“We cannot give a date but we are working,” Malfa affirmed ahead of the 40th anniversary of the coup that marked the start of the last military dictatorship, when thousands were forcibly disappeared and about 500 babies appropriated.
On March 23, Francis will be meeting a group of relatives of victims of enforced disappearances.
Marie-Noelle Erize Tisseau, whose sister Marie-Anne was kidnapped in San Juan province in 1976, will be shaking hands with Bergoglio along with Víctor Carvajal, whose brother Alberto was also abducted by a death squad in 1977. They will be joined by Genevieve Jeanningros, the niece of Leonie Duquet, one of the two French nuns kidnapped by Alfredo Astiz in December 1977 and taken to the Navy Mechanics School (ESMA). Duquet’s remains were identified in 2005 thanks to the efforts of the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF)
Cecilia Romero, Salvadorian Monsignor Oscar Romero’s niece, will also participate in the hearing. Romero was killed in 1980 while he was delivering a homily.
A message
According to daily La Nación, the CEA will be unveiling a message today aimed at praising democracy and calling on healing the past wounds.
Last year, sectors of the Church said it was time to limit the proceedings for crimes against humanity.
In September, the Catholic Church gave lukewarm support to continuing the trials against perpetrators of crimes against humanity yesterday, pointing out that forgiveness and reconciliation are “gifts from God.”
The head of the Argentine Synod, José María Arancedo, told human rights groups in a letter that was made public on September 4 that the Catholic Church did not endorse the suspension of proceedings against those who committed crimes during the 1976-1983 dictatorship.
“The position of the Argentine Synod has not changed,” Arancedo wrote in a letter addressed to the Centre for Legal and Social Studies (CELS), Mothers of Plaza de Mayo—Founding Line, Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo and Relatives of Detainees-Disappeared for Political Reasons.
The rights groups publicly wondered whether the Catholic Church had changed its mind on supporting trials against repressors after Bishop Emeritus of San Isidro Jorge Casaretto, who said at the UCA panel that reconciliation had to be a political goal after the end of the Kirchnerite era.
“No political force speaks about reconciliation these days. It is a taboo for elections, but reconciliation has to be in Argentina’s future agenda. We’ll have to wait until after the elections and insist,” Casaretto had said at the UCA conference.
“In Argentina, we prioritize justice but it is not totally impartial,” he had also stated, noting that the judicial proceedings against repressors often appeared to seek vengeance rather than justice.
In 2014, Arancedo shot a video alongside Barnes de Carlotto and her number two, Rosa Roisinblit, calling on parishioners to cooperate with information that could help the human rights organization founded in 1977 to find the babies snatched from their mothers during the last dictatorship.
Herald staff

IMPUDICA CONDUCCIÓN DE AEROLÍNEAS ARGENTINAS

1 marzo, 2016

SUE LITTLETON
Hoy a las 4:24 A.M.

Moi et les cuatre chats joyeux =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= et Romeo =*>:) devil=

Amigos saber estas cosas nos produce asco, pero no hay remedio, debemos saberlas, nos sirve para poder reclamar lo que nos robaron y quienes fueron, ojalá no queden impunes….¡¡ES inconmensurable EL DAÑO HECHO A LA PATRIA!!

Asunto: LA IMPÚDICA CONDUCCIÓN DE AEROLÍNEAS ARGENTINA
En agosto de 2012, la conducción camporista de la aeronavegación, manejada por el presidente de Aerolíneas Argentinas, Mariano Recalde y el grupo Aeropuertos Argentina 2000 capitularon.
Los empresarios entregaron un edificio ubicado en el Aeroparque en el que pensaban construir la sede corporativa, un hotel
y oficinas para alquilar. Los jóvenes militantes enterraron su idea de terminar con la concesión del grupo Eurnekian, al menos
en Aeroparque y se quedaron con el proyecto de mudanza de las oficinas de la empresa aérea a la terminal de Costanera.

A mediados de 2015, el sueño de la casa nueva se concretó.
En medio de números rojo bermellón en las cuentas de la compañía, Recalde y los suyos se mudaron a una de las oficinas
más lujosas de la ciudad. Los 15.700 metros cuadrados en los que ahora funciona la empresa reemplazaron a seis lujosos
pisos que quedaron deshabitados frente al Luna Park, más precisamente en la torre Bouchard – un edificio que se caracteriza
por terminar en prisma- y que son propiedad de la empresa.

El bunker más exclusivo que dispuso La Cámpora se caracteriza por una cosa: el lujo

Hay que subir seis pisos en auto por el estacionamiento Sur para llegar a la cochera de los ejecutivos, tomar un ascensor para
volver al piso dos, pasar por recepción y volver al piso 6 por los ascensores internos para llegar al despacho de 300 metros cuadrados en el que Mariano Recalde pasó los últimos meses.
El bunker más exclusivo que dispuso La Cámpora se caracteriza por una cosa: el lujo.

Recalde disponía, además de su escritorio, de un ampuloso living que da a la pista del Aeroparque.
Luego, anexas, hay dos salas de reuniones con parte de los mejores muebles de oficina que se consiguen en el mercado.
Una tiene una mesa rectangular, la otra una cuadrada.
Desde el pasillo que las une se puede salir hacia el baño, obviamente con ducha, al que se anexa, además un vestidor.

Hay un televisor de no menos de 40 pulgadas y a su lado, otra pantalla similar pero táctil en la que se proyectan páginas de Internet. En ese despacho está colocada una de las terminales de telepresencia, un sistema para comunicarse entre dos puntos remotos de altísimo costo. Hay 10 estaciones similares ubicadas en diferentes despachos del edificio, una rareza en el mundo
corporativo ya que se utilizan generalmente para comunicarse entre oficinas con kilómetros de distancia.
En los cuatro pisos del edificio ubicado en la T4 del Aeropuerto se reparten 100 televisores que no tienen trasmisiones internas sino programas de televisión. Todo este equipamiento ronda los tres millones de pesos.

Además de los seis autos y los tres choferes que servían a la Presidencia, un número desproporcionado de mozos y secretarias dan vueltas por las gerencias. Dicen que la cantidad no tiene relación con el caudal de trabajo normal de una oficina.

La construcción del edificio quedó en medio de una negociación entre La Cámpora y Aeropuertos Argentina 2000.
En agosto de 2012, se firmó el acuerdo. Aerolíneas adelantó a la concesionaria 600 millones de pesos.
Si bien gran parte era para la construcción de las oficinas, también se incluyeron otras obras en Ezeiza y un monto para publicidad en las terminales.
Aeropuertos Argentina 2000 devolvería ese monto con prestaciones y tasas a cobrar.
El paquete pasó al Organismo Regulador del Sistema Nacional de Aeropuertos (Orsna) y se aprobó.
El grupo Eurnekian se comprometió a entregar la estructura del edificio. Plantas libres y paredes de cristal.
Todo el interior corría por cuenta de Aerolíneas Argentinas.

El proceso de obra no estuvo exento de algún que otro chispazo. Por ejemplo, alguna vez hubo pedidos formales.
Los líderes de La Cámpora pidieron pisos de roble y algunas mejoras en los baños.
Los constructores no les hicieron caso y se ajustaron al proyecto original.
El Orsna, con los impuestos y tasas que percibe, también aportó lo suyo. El sistema de emergencias y la instalación anti incendios del edificio corporativo de Aerolíneas, la solventó el organismo de control.

Pero no todo fue color de rosas. Recalde no pudo coronar su obra.
Por una de las tres salas que tiene el ala presidencial se sale a una terraza.
Los pedidos a los constructores para acondicionar el privilegiado lugar con vista a la pista, al río y al sector presidencial de Aeroparque fueron varios.
Alguna vez se pidió un deck y aún circulan por ahí unos proyectos para la construcción de un quincho, una parrilla y un jacuzzi
enese sector. No hubo caso, ninguno avanzó.

A mediados del año pasado se inició la mudanza.
El despacho de Recalde se convirtió en un lugar turístico del sector que todos querían conocer.
Ni siquiera Rafael Bielsa pudo entrar, pese a ser un hombre que se sentó en el sillón más importante de Aeropuertos Argentina 2000 para satisfacer los deseos de su antigua jefa Cristina Kirchner.

Ahora queda poco tiempo. Isela Costantini mandó a revisar el sector para darle otra funcionalidad más acorde a una empresa
que pierde centenares de millones de dólares y que se da el lujo de tener dos edificios corporativos.
Y uno de ellos, en Puerto Madero, sin utilizar.

MÁS TEMPRANO QUE TARDE, TODO LLEGA.
LA CIUDADANÍA ARGENTINA ESPERA QUE LA JUSTICIA TOME CARTAS EN ESTAS EXTRAVAGANCIAS Y QUE EL NUEVO
GOBIERNO DE LA NACIÓN PONGA LAS COSAS EN ORDEN Y LAS ADMINISTRE CON AUSTERIDAD Y HONESTIDAD.
ARGENTINA NO SOPORTA MÁS CORRUPCIÓN COMO LA QUE SUFRIÓ DURANTE EL GOBIERNO KIRCHNERISTA.

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Morning report on Argentina – Feb 25, 2016 from Sue Littleton

26 febrero, 2016

Morning report on Argentine
Gente
SUE LITTLETON
Para GERMAN PIRAN feb 25 a las 12:58 P.M.

Moi et les cuarte chats joyeux =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= et Romeo =*>:) devil=

Sue, the following is a report on Argentine from my morning reports. Greg

Argentina appears to have reached a deal with its creditors after having spent more than a decade in financial limbo. NML Capital and Aurelius Capital Management, two funds that hold some of Argentina’s defaulted foreign debt, announced as much Wednesday, and with the announcement comes two important developments: NML and Aurelius may eventually be able to receive payment for what they are owed, and, more important for Argentina, the government in Buenos Aires will be able to borrow abroad freely.
NML and other creditors had previously refused Argentine debt restructuring offers, and a lengthy legal dispute ensued. This, combined with Argentina’s insistence on not paying these and other bondholders — colloquially referred to as holdouts — led to a U.S. court decision to block Argentina from making payments on foreign debt in 2014.

Concluding a deal with NML and other creditors is crucial for Buenos Aires because it affords Argentina access to more foreign capital. Without substantial foreign lending, Argentina is unable to adequately finance its development, at least in the near to medium term. Buenos Aires now intends to repeal a domestic law preventing the country from making deals with holdout bondholders — an arrangement entirely separate from any deal reached with previous creditors. Barring last-minute mishaps, the pieces are set for Argentina to restore some semblance of normalcy to its relationships with foreign financial institutions.

With this agreement in place, Argentina hopes to close a major rupture in its recent political history. The move would erase one of the lasting drivers of populism in domestic Argentine politics. Understanding the influence and scope of the lengthy battle between bondholders and the government is key to understanding why Argentina behaved in the manner it did, and how that behavior changed over time.

Argentina defaulted on nearly $82 billion in foreign debt in December 2001. The default triggered an economic and political crisis that severely reduced Argentines’ standard of living for several years. It also kicked off nearly 15 years of legal disputes between the government and foreign creditors holding the debt that Argentina defaulted on. In separate negotiations in 2005 and 2010, Argentina managed to restructure some of its defaulted debt. Some bondholders, including NML, did not join these processes. Instead, they sued Argentina for the full value of their bonds. For a while, however, Argentina was able to ignore these demands.

And so, for the better part of a decade, Argentina relied mainly on rising commodity prices to boost its economy. Argentine agricultural exports such as soybeans, wheat and corn commanded increasingly higher prices abroad throughout the 2000s. The political fallout from the foreign debt default gave the governments of Nestor Kirchner and his wife, Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, the political mandate to pursue a very populist policy at the expense of economic stability. Giving in to the holdouts and quickly settling the issue of outstanding debt was simply not a politically palatable option — let alone a political priority — for Buenos Aires under the Kirchners.

The issue came to a head in 2014, when the Argentine government exhausted its final appeals against the holdouts and was blocked by a U.S. court from making foreign debt payments. With barely a year and a half left in her term, Fernandez simply left the issue for the next president to resolve.

Now, President Mauricio Macri is tasked with settling the issue with the bondholders. A settlement will undoubtedly be unpopular with the Argentine left. It may also rankle certain legislators from Fernandez’s opposition Front for Victory. The opposition could realistically delay a settlement by refusing to repeal the so-called lock law, which prevents Argentina from offering different terms to bondholders not included in previous restructurings. However, it is more likely that the issue of the lock law will involve some negotiation over domestic issues. This makes more sense than letting the issue devolve into a conflict between the Front for Victory and Macri’s Cambiemos coalition.
With the bondholder dispute on the verge of being concluded, Macri’s priorities lie with longer-term economic development. Macri has already taken a major step forward by lifting currency controls and allowing money to flow freely in and out of the country. But the president’s next four years will be a transitional period in which public spending will be cut, further investments from abroad will be encouraged and subsidies will be slowly phased out. Yet there are still many uncertainties ahead for Argentina. The removal of subsidies could raise inflation even higher than it is already, in turn risking social unrest spearheaded by the poorer classes most affected by price hikes. Argentina will also encounter slower global commodity markets than before, in addition to a tumbling Brazilian economy and a much slower Chinese economy.

Still, Argentina has set its plan for future growth in motion, and that plan includes putting an end to the debt dispute. Buenos Aires is at the start of an economic transition, and closing the door on the debt issue is a key part of moving that transition forward.

Greg Gossett
Gossett, Harrison, Millican & Stipanovic, P. C.
2 South Koenigheim
P. O. Box 911
San Angelo, Texas 76902-0911
325-653-3291

******************************************************************************
This email is covered by the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, 18 U.S.C. Sections 2510-2521, and is legally privileged. Unauthorized review, use, disclosure or distribution is strictly prohibited. This email may also be subject to the attorney-client privilege or the attorney work product privilege or be otherwise confidential. Any dissemination, copying or use of this email by or to anyone other than the designated and intended recipient(s) is unauthorized. If you have received this message in error, please delete it from your system immediately and notify our office at once by telephone at (325) 653-3291. Thank you for your cooperation .
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Morning report on Argentina – Feb 24, 2016 (from Sue Littleton)

25 febrero, 2016

Morning report on Argentine
SUE LITTLETON
Para GERMAN PIRAN Hoy a las 12:58 P.M.

Moi et les cuarte chats joyeux =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= et Romeo =*>:) devil=

Sue, the following is a report on Argentine from my morning reports. Greg

Argentina appears to have reached a deal with its creditors after having spent more than a decade in financial limbo. NML Capital and Aurelius Capital Management, two funds that hold some of Argentina’s defaulted foreign debt, announced as much Wednesday, and with the announcement comes two important developments: NML and Aurelius may eventually be able to receive payment for what they are owed, and, more important for Argentina, the government in Buenos Aires will be able to borrow abroad freely.
NML and other creditors had previously refused Argentine debt restructuring offers, and a lengthy legal dispute ensued. This, combined with Argentina’s insistence on not paying these and other bondholders — colloquially referred to as holdouts — led to a U.S. court decision to block Argentina from making payments on foreign debt in 2014.

Concluding a deal with NML and other creditors is crucial for Buenos Aires because it affords Argentina access to more foreign capital. Without substantial foreign lending, Argentina is unable to adequately finance its development, at least in the near to medium term. Buenos Aires now intends to repeal a domestic law preventing the country from making deals with holdout bondholders — an arrangement entirely separate from any deal reached with previous creditors. Barring last-minute mishaps, the pieces are set for Argentina to restore some semblance of normalcy to its relationships with foreign financial institutions.

With this agreement in place, Argentina hopes to close a major rupture in its recent political history. The move would erase one of the lasting drivers of populism in domestic Argentine politics. Understanding the influence and scope of the lengthy battle between bondholders and the government is key to understanding why Argentina behaved in the manner it did, and how that behavior changed over time.

Argentina defaulted on nearly $82 billion in foreign debt in December 2001. The default triggered an economic and political crisis that severely reduced Argentines’ standard of living for several years. It also kicked off nearly 15 years of legal disputes between the government and foreign creditors holding the debt that Argentina defaulted on. In separate negotiations in 2005 and 2010, Argentina managed to restructure some of its defaulted debt. Some bondholders, including NML, did not join these processes. Instead, they sued Argentina for the full value of their bonds. For a while, however, Argentina was able to ignore these demands.

And so, for the better part of a decade, Argentina relied mainly on rising commodity prices to boost its economy. Argentine agricultural exports such as soybeans, wheat and corn commanded increasingly higher prices abroad throughout the 2000s. The political fallout from the foreign debt default gave the governments of Nestor Kirchner and his wife, Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, the political mandate to pursue a very populist policy at the expense of economic stability. Giving in to the holdouts and quickly settling the issue of outstanding debt was simply not a politically palatable option — let alone a political priority — for Buenos Aires under the Kirchners.

The issue came to a head in 2014, when the Argentine government exhausted its final appeals against the holdouts and was blocked by a U.S. court from making foreign debt payments. With barely a year and a half left in her term, Fernandez simply left the issue for the next president to resolve.

Now, President Mauricio Macri is tasked with settling the issue with the bondholders. A settlement will undoubtedly be unpopular with the Argentine left. It may also rankle certain legislators from Fernandez’s opposition Front for Victory. The opposition could realistically delay a settlement by refusing to repeal the so-called lock law, which prevents Argentina from offering different terms to bondholders not included in previous restructurings. However, it is more likely that the issue of the lock law will involve some negotiation over domestic issues. This makes more sense than letting the issue devolve into a conflict between the Front for Victory and Macri’s Cambiemos coalition.
With the bondholder dispute on the verge of being concluded, Macri’s priorities lie with longer-term economic development. Macri has already taken a major step forward by lifting currency controls and allowing money to flow freely in and out of the country. But the president’s next four years will be a transitional period in which public spending will be cut, further investments from abroad will be encouraged and subsidies will be slowly phased out. Yet there are still many uncertainties ahead for Argentina. The removal of subsidies could raise inflation even higher than it is already, in turn risking social unrest spearheaded by the poorer classes most affected by price hikes. Argentina will also encounter slower global commodity markets than before, in addition to a tumbling Brazilian economy and a much slower Chinese economy.

Still, Argentina has set its plan for future growth in motion, and that plan includes putting an end to the debt dispute. Buenos Aires is at the start of an economic transition, and closing the door on the debt issue is a key part of moving that transition forward.

Greg Gossett
Gossett, Harrison, Millican & Stipanovic, P. C.
2 South Koenigheim
P. O. Box 911
San Angelo, Texas 76902-0911
325-653-3291

******************************************************************************
This email is covered by the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, 18 U.S.C. Sections 2510-2521, and is legally privileged. Unauthorized review, use, disclosure or distribution is strictly prohibited. This email may also be subject to the attorney-client privilege or the attorney work product privilege or be otherwise confidential. Any dissemination, copying or use of this email by or to anyone other than the designated and intended recipient(s) is unauthorized. If you have received this message in error, please delete it from your system immediately and notify our office at once by telephone at (325) 653-3291. Thank you for your cooperation .
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Why Latin America’s 2016 Elections Might Produce Big Change …

9 enero, 2016

SUE LITTLETON
Para GERMAN PIRAN ene 8 a las 6:31 P.M.

Moi et les trois chats joyeux =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil= =*>:) devil=

http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/order-from-chaos/posts/2016/01/06-latin-america-elections-in-2016-davis-trinkunas?utm_campaign=Brookings+Brief&utm_source=hs_email&utm_medium=email&utm_content=25079194&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-_h2-_EVvjGoFWotD7kk7DURblhOt_XivIRlOdtXa66JZ9IfMinLUozbqXatBqHk6hKN7SvFrP0sh8k5HfG00NILjNhFA&_hsmi=25079194

Caitlyn Davis and Harold Trinkunas | January 6, 2016 12:30pm
Why Latin America’s 2016 elections might produce big changes
More Topics
Latin America and the Caribbean
Democracy
Elections
Politics and Elections
Venezuela
Brazil
Mexico
Lawyers and opposition politicians among others demonstrators gather outside the central courthouse during a rally against what they say is the national government harassing the Judiciary power, and in defence of judicial independence in Buenos Aires, Argentina, July 7, 2015. The sign reads “Enough”. REUTERS/Enrique Marcarian
The year 2015 brought significant economic challenges and changes to Latin America. Average real annual GDP growth for the seven largest economies slipped into negative territory, led by economic crises in Brazil, Venezuela, and Argentina. Falling global commodity prices, a product of slowing economic growth in China, hit South American commodity exporters particularly hard. But even Mexico, more industrialized and integrated into the broader North American economy, suffered from the drop in global oil prices. The OPEC daily basket price plummeted from an average of $96.29 per barrel in 2014 to $49.77 per barrel in 2015 with the price hovering just over $30 at the end of the year. Foreign investors see many of the region’s economies as a risky bet, and Brazil, the largest economy, has seen its sovereign debt downgraded to junk bond status.
2016 will be the year when the political consequences of the change in the region’s economic fortunes play out. The region’s middle class, which has doubled in size since 2002, faces diminished opportunities, and many of its members lack the accumulated wealth and education to easily weather the present downturn. The region’s vulnerable classes, no longer in critical poverty but not part of the middle class either, face an even more difficult situation.
Disgruntled publics

In these hard times, public scrutiny of government performance has increased. Disgust with corruption by public officials has become an important motivation for social unrest in countries ranging from Brazil and Mexico to Guatemala and Honduras.
Throughout the region, presidents—right, left, and center—apparently lack the political capital to implement needed reforms. Models that privileged redistribution and consumption over growth, savings, and investment are no longer as tenable in a period of economic recession. But it is difficult to end programs that many people have become accustomed to and now depend on, such as subsidized energy prices in Venezuela and Argentina.
In Mexico, an ambitious reform agenda by President Enrique Peña Nieto—which launched energy, fiscal, education, and judicial reforms—has largely stalled in the face of corruption allegations and mismanagement of the grave domestic security situation. In Brazil, urgent economic reforms are needed due to rising inflation, high levels of public debt, and intractable fiscal deficits. Yet politics is paralyzed by the Petrobras corruption scandal and the evolving drama surrounding the possibility of a presidential impeachment. And the list goes on across the region.
Ballot box power

In this context, elections become particularly important mechanisms for addressing popular dissatisfaction. The recent victories of opposition parties or movements in Argentina and Venezuela have led some to predict that the “pink tide” of leftist governments that came to power during the 2000s is receding. However, it is likely that governments of all political stripes will face “punishment” from voters at the ballot box in 2016. Certainly, while some leftist governments have faced (Venezuela) or will face (Ecuador) angry electorates, other left-wing leaders such as Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua and Evo Morales in Bolivia remain popular. In fact, presidents across the political spectrum, from conservatives in Guatemala and Honduras, to moderates in Mexico and Peru, to leftists in Brazil and Venezuela, have faced social protest or unhappy voters.
[I]t is likely that governments of all political stripes will face “punishment” from voters at the ballot box in 2016.
There will be at least 11 elections held across the Americas in 2016, including in the United States, for all levels of government. Democratic governance is by and large consolidated in the region so constitutional processes such as elections offer the main vehicle for change. Elections also offer the possibility of bringing to power new political leaders who have the high political capital needed to implement reform.
To better understand what lies ahead, we should consider the implications of two recent elections: Argentina and Venezuela:
In November, Argentine voters ended decades of Peronist dominance in politics and brought a center-right government to power with the election of Mauricio Macri as president. Macri has taken office with a very clear agenda for economic and political reform and is already moving rapidly to implement that agenda. The success or failure of the Macri government will be an important indicator for the future of the region’s reformers. His policies offer a sharp break with the past because they are significantly more economically and politically liberal than the regional norm. If he does succeed, Macri will undoubtedly inspire others in Latin America to compete on similarly liberal reform platforms in years to come.
Argentina’s President Mauricio Macri (L) and his wife Juliana Awada wave to the crowd after after being sworn-in as president in Buenos Aires, December 10, 2015. Macri took office as Argentina’s first non-Peronist president in more than a decade on Thursday, promising to end policies of leftist populism and revive the South American country’s ailing economy. Macri began his 4-year term in a ceremony snubbed by his predecessor, Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, following a rancorous argument over where the handover of power should take place. REUTERS/Argentine Presidency/Handout via Reuters
Argentina’s President Mauricio Macri (L) and his wife Juliana Awada wave to the crowd after after being sworn-in as president in Buenos Aires. Credit: Reuters/Argentine Presidency.
Venezuela faced the region’s deepest economic crisis when voters went to the polls on December 6 to elect every seat in the country’s unicameral legislative body. In what some have called a referendum on Maduro’s presidency, Venezuelans gave the opposition coalition MUD (Democratic Unity Movement) a super-majority in the congress when they elected 112 of their candidates as deputies. Despite initially recognizing the opposition victory, the Maduro administration has now taken measures to limit the power of the opposition. Among other measures, it has challenged the elections of several opposition legislators in an effort to erase the opposition’s super-majority. It also used the lame-duck legislature it still controlled to appoint 13 new supreme court justices (of 32), enabling the government to block opposition legislative initiatives in the courts. And it has rewritten over a dozen major pieces of legislation by decree to limit or erase the legislature’s constitutional powers to conduct oversight. This represents a deep challenge to the possibility of achieving a democratic outcome in Venezuela. If the government gets away with “defecting” so blatantly from the democratic rules of the game, then the opposition—which has followed the internationally endorsed path to power through the ballot box for more than a decade—is more likely to defect in turn. This would deepen Venezuela’s political crisis and increase the risk of violence. Worryingly, both sides are already looking to the military as an arbiter, an unfortunate return to Latin American politicians’ historical habit of “knocking at the barracks door” when they disagree with the outcome of elections.
If the government gets away with “defecting” so blatantly from the democratic rules of the game, then the opposition…is more likely to defect in turn.
North-South bonds

For the United States, the present situation offers both opportunity and risk. Core U.S. interests in the region are generally well protected, and normalization of U.S.-Cuba relationshas removed a major diplomatic stumbling block to closer relations with governments across Latin America. While present conditions are likely to foster improved relations with the United States, Latin American governments cannot be good partners in improving regional and global governance when they face political and economic crisis at home. The United States today faces a region whose citizens are largely anxious about the future and will have the opportunity to select new ways forward via elections. So the United States has the opportunity in 2016 to support democracy and prosperity by standing by those who have followed the democratic rules of the game. It should embrace the opportunity to collaborate with the Macri government on its reform agenda, if only because it is a reminder that economic and political change through peaceful constitutional processes is possible. It should also support those in the region (ranging from ex-presidents to legislators to judges to the secretary general of the Organization of American States) who have spoken out in favor of democracy in Venezuela and encourage them to take the next step and actively collaborate to strengthen the newly elected legislature as it seeks to exercise the full range of powers granted to it under the constitution.
Caitlyn Davis
Research Assistant, Foreign Policy, Latin America Initiative
@CaityDavis52

Harold Trinkunas
Senior Fellow and Director, Foreign Policy, Latin America Initiative
Charles W. Robinson Chair
@htrinkunas
Harold Trinkunas is the Charles W. Robinson Chair and senior fellow and director of the Latin America Initiative in theForeign Policy program. His research focuses on Latin American politics, particularly on issues related to foreign policy, governance, and security. He is currently studying Brazil’s emergence as a major power, and Latin American contributions to global governance on issues including energy policy, drug policy reform, and Internet governance. Trinkunas has also written on terrorism financing, borders, and ungoverned spaces.
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